Nigerian Political Elite Seizes Holiday for Strategic Maneuvers
The recent Eid el Fitri celebrations across Nigeria, traditionally a time for religious reflection and family gatherings, have unfolded against a backdrop of intense political strategizing. With party primaries on the horizon and the general election looming next year, Nigerian politicians have reportedly leveraged the festive period to consolidate their positions and map out future campaigns. Historically, religious festivals, chieftaincy title ceremonies, funerals, and housewarming events have served as convenient fronts for political congregations, particularly during periods of suppressed political activity under military rule.
President Bola Tinubu, seemingly still energized by a recent successful state visit to the United Kingdom, spent the holiday period in Lagos. His residence became a hub for visitors, many of whom had accompanied him on his UK trip. These individuals reportedly sought to bask in the perceived warmth of power and solidarity while paying their respects during the Sallah homage. This practice echoes the past, when Daura, the quiet hometown of former President Muhammadu Buhari, was the customary destination for such annual political pilgrimages. President Tinubu himself was among those who made these ceremonial visits to Buhari during his tenure. However, the political centre of gravity has now shifted, with President Tinubu emerging as the prominent figure.
In contrast to the past, President Tinubu’s phone continues to receive significant attention, a stark difference from the current communication landscape for some other prominent Nigerians, particularly former presidents and heads of state. Of the five former leaders still alive, it is widely observed that their phones no longer command the same level of engagement as when they held the reins of power from Dodan Barracks or Aso Villa. One former leader, reportedly in his final year as an octogenarian and having publicly renounced his party membership, remains actively involved in the current political machinations as a proponent for a major presidential candidate, demonstrating a continued drive for influence.
A significant aspect of President Tinubu’s Eid el Fitri holiday involved hosting governors from the All Progressives Congress (APC)-led government at his residence on Bourdillon Road, Ikoyi. Amidst the celebratory atmosphere, characterized by apparent merriment and camaraderie, the governors reportedly dedicated time to substantive discussions. Having recently undertaken official engagements abroad, including a visit to London, the expectation is that these leaders would engage in productive dialogue rather than merely participating in post-event pleasantries. The pressing issues facing the nation, particularly the ongoing security challenges in Borno and other terror-ravaged regions of the North, demand urgent attention. Therefore, any gathering of this nature without tangible outcomes would be a disservice to the Nigerian populace.
The State Police Debate Takes Centre Stage
Amidst the social and political engagements, a key focus of the APC governors’ meeting was the modality for establishing proto-national police departments, commonly referred to as state police. This initiative comes at a time when insecurity remains a paramount concern across the country. Critics of the state police concept, or those who engage in political posturing regarding the issue, face a significant responsibility to contribute constructively. This sentiment extends to certain Northern political and religious leaders who are quick to assign blame for insecurity to the President or the APC.
These leaders, by focusing solely on complaints without offering concrete solutions, risk exacerbating the political climate. Their discourse often transforms discussions about state police into heated debates centered on identity, ethnicity, or religion, diverting attention from the core security challenges. Ironically, among the governors who expressed support for discussions on state police during the Lagos meeting were representatives from Sokoto and Borno. These states are at the epicentre of distinct forms of terrorism plaguing Northern Nigeria – banditry and insurgency, respectively.
The opposition to the creation of state police by some Northern politicians, including Governor Babagana Zulum of Borno, despite his consistent efforts to protect his constituents, raises questions of hypocrisy. Their resistance appears less rooted in concerns about managing crime within their states and more in preserving an perceived advantage conferred by the current federalized police system to certain non-state actors of Northern extraction or affiliation. This includes groups such as alleged herders and suspected Fulani terrorists originating from Niger, Mali, and other Sahelian regions.
The prevailing narrative that these terrorists are not Nigerians is often juxtaposed with the apparent fear of curtailed activities should state police be implemented. This raises questions about the potential for corruption within a state-level policing system, particularly when compared to the existing federal police structure, which has also faced accusations of systemic corruption. The primary difference, it is argued, would be the identity of the victims of such corruption. The current system, where crimes committed in various parts of the country are often transferred to Abuja for investigation, raises concerns about the subversion of justice. The arbitrary transfer of apprehended criminals from locations like Ikeja to Abuja, with subsequent release, highlights the inefficiencies and potential for malfeasance within the existing framework.
Historical Precedents and Shifting Alliances
The concept of state, regional, or local authority policing is not novel to Nigeria. Such structures existed prior to the military coup of January 1966, when the Unification Decree 34 was enacted in May of that year, centralizing the country’s governance. The ramifications of this decision are argued to be contributing to the current challenges, with blame being misdirected.
While the APC faction convened in Lagos to deliberate on state police, their political counterparts within the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) coalition were reportedly meeting in Kano to strategize on unseating the ruling party. This gathering was framed as an annual religious assembly of Rabiu Kwankwanso’s Kwakwansiya Movement, which also served as a platform for an alliance of convenience, reportedly including a prominent figure described by some as a “packaged fraud.”
The significant attendance at this Kano meeting has been a subject of considerable discussion, with descriptions ranging from “organic” to other laudatory terms. Notably, some Igbo commentators and supporters of the “Obidient” movement have expressed considerable enthusiasm for this coalition. This shift in focus, driven by a perceived pathway to the presidency, appears to have overshadowed previous criticisms regarding the “structure of criminality.” The hope is that this newfound direction might lead to a reduction in lamentations about the dangers of a one-party state.
